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Law School Rankings: Why not consider Moot Court performance?

May 20, 2008 1 comment

With law school ranking techniques being perennially popular and Moneyball type analyses gaining ground, what might be another way of assessing the relative capabilities of a law school’s students and graduates?

It seems to me that it would be great if we had this situation in which law schools had student teams that competed against other law schools’ student teams from across the nation in tournaments which showed off their lawyering and advocacy skills. Wow! That would provide us with some valuable and statistically verifiable assessment of how well a law school’s students might perform after graduating.

Head to head law school competition – what a great source of information for law school rankings like US News & World Report or Leiter’s rankings. Too bad that this situation does not exist – oh wait, actually it does exist, they’re called “moot court competitions.”

From my own days in law school I recall witnessing a lot of “David and Goliath” type scenarios – i.e. obscure, lower tier schools performing very well in these situations. Is there a source for this information (moot court competition rankings)? Would anyone find such information useful if it was available? It seems that this has “moneyball” written all over it. See my shameless promotion of UT’s (the other UT) Evidence Moot Court Team after the jump.

I was actually a member of UT’s first Evidence Moot Court team back in the day. We did pretty well, but not nearly as well as subsequent teams. Below is some text from the UT Law moot court webpage on how the Evidence team has faired since the early 1990s (when we started). I might add that the competition typically includes a number of teams from the top 20 USNews rankings.

EVIDENCE MOOT COURT TEAM The Dean Jerome Prince Evidence Moot Court Competition is sponsored by the Brooklyn Law School where it is held each March. The competitions’ problem focuses on an issue defined by the Federal Rules of Evidence, and students wishing to apply for the team must take Evidence prior to or concurrent with their application. The team’s coach, Professor Neil Cohen, has led the team to three national championships and numerous second place finishes, as well as several first and second best brief awards.

National Champions: 1993, 2000, 2001
Second Place: 1997, 2002
Best Brief: 1997, 2000

sumber http://lawandcourts.wordpress.com/

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Unpar Raih Juara I Kompetisi Peradilan Semu

May 20, 2008 5 comments

Depok (ANTARA News) – Universitas Parahyangan (Unpar), Bandung, Jawa Barat, berhasil meraih juara pertama pada Moot Court Competition (Kompetisi Peradilan Semu) yang memperebutkan Piala Mutiara Djokosoetono V, yang acara finalnya dilakukan di kantor Mahkamah Konstitusi, Sabtu malam.

Sedangkan untuk juara kedua diraih oleh Universitas Islam Indonesia (UII), Yogyakarta, dan Juara ketiga diraih oleh Universitas Diponegoro (Undip), Semarang.

“Melalui ajang ini diharapkan dapat menghasilkan angin segar bagi hukum Indonesia,” kata Putra ketiga dari Djokosoetono, Purnomo Prawiro, di Depok, Jabar, Minggu.

Artinya, lanjut dia para mahasiswa diajak untuk bisa ikut memecahkan permasalahan yang ada di masyarakat. Melalui kompetisi tersebut bisa menghasilkan penemuan baru dalam bidang hukum Indonesia.

“Setelah mendapat teori selama kuliah mereka dapat mempraktekkannya dalam peradilan semu tersebut, dan dapat membawa angin segar bagi hukum di Indonesia,” kata Purnomo yang juga menjabat sebagai Presiden Direktur, Blue Bird.

Ia berharap usai kompetisi ini dapat memberikan sumbangsih pada hukum Indonesia. “Kegiatan tersebut hendaknya bisa menjadi ajang mahasiswa agar dapat menerapkan ilmunya,” kata Purnomo yang juga menjabata sebagai Ketua Majlis Wali Amanah Universitas Indonesia (UI).

Salah seorang mahasiswa Unpar, Stevanus merasa senang dengan dapat menjuarai kompetisi tersebut. Dikataknnya dalam perlombaan tersebut mempersiapkan selama tiga bulan untuk membuat surat dakwaan.

“Kompetisi peradilan semu merupakan kompetisi yang berbeda dengan kompetisi-kompetisi lainnya,” katanya.

Sedangkan Rektor UI, Gumilar Rusliwa Soemantri mengatakan kompetisi ini sebagai bentuk dari pendidikan hukum. Dari ajang ini, ia berharap dapat tercipta SDM yang berkualitas yang memang mengerti akan kedudukan hukum.

Dalam kompetisi ini mengambil tema Pembangunan Hukum Nasional Secara Berkelanjutan Dalam Menghadapi Tantangan Global.

Kompetisi Peradilan Semu tersebut dilakukan selama tiga hari (8-10 Mei 2008). Pada acara pembukaan yang dilakukan di Kamis (8/5) malam di Balai Sidang UI, yang dihadiri oleh Menteri Hukum dan Hak Azasi Manusia (Menhukham), Andi Mattalata.(*)

COPYRIGHT © 2008

sumber : http://news.antara.co.id/arc/2008/5/11/unpar-raih-juara-i-kompetisi-peradilan-semu/

Categories: Berita MCC

Klinik Hukum Valparaiso University School of Law

May 20, 2008 4 comments

Pengantar

Klinik hukum VUSL (Valparaiso University School of Law) merupakan firma hukum bagi dosen dan mahasiswa, lembaga ini sudah berdiri sejak 40 tahun lalu untuk memberikan kesempatan yang unik kepada mahasiswa mengalami peristiwa di ruang peradilan sebelum menjadi advokat praktek. Selain itu lembaga ini juga diadakan untuk menyediakan jasa hukum gratis kepada anggota masyarakat yang kurang beruntung. Setiap tahun, klinik hukum melayani sekitar 700 kasus.

Klinik hukum ini diadakan dengan ijin khusus dari pengadilan tinggi Negara bagian Indiana. Mahasiswa bisa memilih enam bidang praktek yaitu hukum perdata, hukum pidana, hukum pajak, hukum kenakalan anak, mediasi, dan hukum olahraga.

Diharapkan dari keterlibatan mahasiswa maka dapat memperkuat kemampuan untuk mendukung penegakan hukum, membangun kepekaan untuk menolong orang lain, dan menambah pengalaman praktis dalam riwayat pekerjaan mahasiswa.

Program Klinik hukum sendiri memiliki enam klinik, yaitu klinik pidana, klinik perdata, klinik anak, klinik peradilan anak dan dewasa, klinik mediasi dan klinik hukum olah-raga. Mereka dijalankan oleh tujuh orang dosen pengacara yang masing-masing memiliki spesialisasi di bidang yang dibawahinya.

Klinik pidana.

Dalam klinik ini, mahasiswa akan melayani klien yang terkait dengan tindak pidana dan pelanggaran ringan, melakukan negosiasi dengan kantor kejaksaan setempat, mengevaluasi bukti, menilai kekuatan kasus dan mengurus kasus di pengadilan. Dosen pengacara pengawas di klinik ini adalah Dave Welter.

Klinik perdata.

Mahasiswa akan mewakili kliennya dalam kasus-kasus biasa seperti perceraian, adopsi, perwalian, dan pelanggaran konsumen. Klinik ini menyediakan pemahaman kepada mahasiswa tentang bagaimana dampak hukum terhadap kehidupan pribadi seseorang. Dosen pengacara pengawas di klinik ini adalah Marcia Gienapp.

Klinik masalah anak (juvenile klinik).

Klinik ini ditunjuk oleh pengadilan anak Lake County untuk mewakili anak-anak yang dilecehkan atau yang tidak diurus orang tuanya. Mahasiswa dapat secara cepat mempelajari bagaimana menangani kasus-kasus yang menyedihkan hati dalam karir profesionalnya. Dosen pengacara pengawas di klinik ini adalah Gail Tegarden.

Klinik peradilan anak (juvenile and adult justice clinic).

Dalam klinik ini, mahasiswa mewakili anak-anak dalam proses pemeriksaan peradilan anak dan dewasa di wilayah Porter County dan LaPorte county. Sifat kasusnya ada bermacam-macam, tetapi pada dasarnya terkait dengan hearing dari kedua pihak, pernyataan (pleas), persidangan dan banding. Dosen pengacara pengawas adalah Geneva Brown.

Klinik mediasi.

Mahasiswa di klinik ini dilibatkan dalam mediasi kasus-kasus kecil di pengadilan lokal untuk klaim-klaim kecil. Diharapkan ketrampilan negosiasi dan advokasi dalam mediasi akan terbentuk. Dosen pengacara pengawas adalah Barbara Schmidt.

Klinik hukum pajak.

Di klinik ini, mahasiswa membantu klien berpendapatan kecil dalam kasus menyangkut kontraversi pajak pendapatan Federal, baik pada aras administratif (dengan IRS) maupun dengan Pengadilan Pajak Amerika Serikat. Klinik hanya menyediakan pelayanan kepada orang yang sangat membutuhkan bantuan. Dosen pengacara pengawasnya adalah Paul Kohlhoff.

Klinik hukum olahraga.

Ini adalah klinik terbaru di jajaran klinik hukum VUSL, tetapi sekaligus merupakan klinik yang saat ini sering mempopulerkan nama VUSL, setelah salah satu kasus doping atlet nasional Amerika Serikat yang mereka wakili berhasil dimenangkan. Dosen pengacara pengawas adalah Michael Straubel.

Karena memiliki dampak yang menonjol saat ini, maka akan kami jelaskan secara khusus mengenai klinik hukum olahraga ini.

Klien yang dilayani oleh klinik hukum olahraga adalah setiap orang yang berada dalam lingkungan olahraga amatir (baik sebagai atlet, pelatih, pembina, atau fungsi lainnya) yang memiliki masalah hukum yang berkaitan dengan peran olahraga mereka. Klinik ini terbuka bagi klien dari berbagai arena, baik atlet olimpiade, perguruan tinggi, sekolah menengah, dan lainnya.

Pelayanan di klinik hukum olahraga disediakan tanpa fee. Sebagai konsekuensinya, klinik hanya membatasi diri pada mereka yang tidak mampu membayar biaya kuasa hukum.

Kasus-kasus yang umumnya ditangani adalah masalah-masalah seperti doping dan pengujian obat-obatan, ijin berkompetisi, dan hilangnya beasiswa (atlet berprestasi biasanya diberikan beasiswa untuk sekolah di universitas).

Penyediaan jasa hukum dilakukan oleh dosen pengacara (professor Michael Straubel) dan enam orang dosen lainnya, dibantu oleh sepuluh orang mahasiswa tahun ketiga yang memperoleh sertifikasi khusus dari pengadilan tinggi Indiana untuk melayani klien dibawah pengawasan professor Straubel.

Salah satu alumni tahun 2006 yang pernah aktif di klinik hukum olahraga ini, Stephen A Starks, pada bulan februari 2008 telah ditunjuk sebagai direktur urusan hukum bagi United States Anti-Doping Agency (USADA). Dia sebelumnya bekerja di klinik hukum olahraga VUSL dan tahun menjadi anggota tim klinik hukum di Olimpiade Musim Dingin tahun 2006 di Turin, Italia. Dalam olimpiade musim dingin di Turin, tim klinik hukum VUSL menyediakan jasa hukum gratis kepada para atlet yang bertanding.

Di bawah ini adalah kasus terakhir yang mendapat liputan luas dari media, pada waktu LaTasha Jenkins (atlit atletik nasional Amerika) memenangkan kasusnya terhadap USADA.

Kesimpulan:

Sesudah membandingkan apa yang dilakukan VUSL dan Ateneo de Manila, pada dasarnya tidak memiliki perbedaan dalam pelibatan para mahasiswa. Hal ini juga sama dengan konsep UPBH berdasarkan M.o.U KPT Jateng dan Rektor UKSW tahun 1988 pada waktu lalu.

Yang membedakan hanyalah pada ketersediaan fasilitas di Amerika Serikat yang lebih lengkap (di VUSL, klinik hukum memiliki gedung dua lantai khusus yang terpisah dari gedung fakultas hukum) dengan pemanfaatan multimedia yang lebih kuat dan fasilitas perpustakaan hukum (dengan sistem LexisNexis) yang kuat.

Di Ateneo de Manilia, kantor bantuan hukum berada dalam satu gedung dengan gedung fakultas hukum dan master bisnis (4 lantai) yang terpisah dari universitas induk. Didukung dengan perpustakaan hukum besar yang dikelola oleh tenaga pustakawan khusus, tetapi perpustakaan ini masih tergabung dengan perpustakaan jurusan master bisnis.

Rekomendasi:

– Melanjutkan kerjasama dengan pengadilan tinggi Jawa Tengah mengenai penanganan bantuan hukum oleh UPBH (M.o.U KPT Jateng dan Rektor UKSW tahun 1988).

– Pelibatan mahasiswa senior dalam pelayanan hukum di UPBH.

– Promosi UPBH melalui jalur “non-iklan” yaitu pemberitaan di media massa.

– Memberikan perhatian kepada kasus-kasus yang memiliki dampak publik.

– Spesialisasi bidang-bidang pelayanan di UPBH menurut bidang kekhususan para dosen pengacara.

Disampaikan oleh Theofransus Litaay, SH. LLM kepada Setyo Pamungkas (via email) dalam rangka memberikan gambaran pelaksanaan CLED di FH UKSW

Categories: CLED

Pendekatan Klinis: Menjamin Mutu Calon Penegak Hukum

May 20, 2008 Leave a comment

Selama mengenal dan menambah pengetahuan mengenai studi peradilan semu, ada sesuatu yang menarik untuk dicermati dalam perkembangan profesi penegak hukum di Indonesia. Pengembangan legal practice tidak difokuskan pada proses pembelajaran setelah lulus dari fakultas hukum, tapi dilakukan sejak dini selama masih menjadi mahasiswa. Pembelajaran ini kemudian ditingkatkan guna menjawab kebutuhan kemampuan praktek para penegak hukum.

Di Universitas Indonesia, peradilan semu, berikut dengan segala hal yang terkait, merupakan bagian yang memiliki prestis, bahkan prestasi luar biasa. Kebanggaan dan prestasi tersebut tidak diperoleh secara instan, tapi melalui proses-proses persiapan yang baik dan tepat sasaran. Hal ini diperoleh setelah beberapa dekade yang lalu FH UI (Fakultas Hukum Universitas Indonesia — Red) mengadopsi konsep clinical legal education dalam kurikulum dan kegiatan belajar mengajarnya.

Clinical legal education adalah tataran praktis dalam mempelajari dan meningkatkan kemampuan mahasiswa dalam satu program yang terstruktur dan menjadi bagian yang integral dengan fakultas hukum.

Philip Plowden mengasumsikan clinical legal education sebagai “teaching law through exposure to real clients and their problems.” Bahkan olehnya, clinical legal education menjadi bagian yang tak terpisahkan dari fakultas hukum dan wajib untuk dikembangkan dalam kurikulum pengajaran. Dengan demikian, clinical legal education merupakan sarana terpenting untuk membahani dan membiasakan mahasiswa dalam atmosfer pelaksanaan sistem hukum di Indonesia.

Clinical legal education adalah bentuk pembelajaran hukum, baik secara teoretis, yang kemudian diperdalam dengan praktek, maupun belajar hukum secara menyeluruh dan mendalam mengenai kenyataan praktek penegak hukum.

Secara etimologis, “clinical” berarti “klinis,” yang merupakan kata sifat untuk ilmu pengetahuan. Kemudian “legal” berarti “hukum,” dan “education” berarti “pendidikan.” Dengan demikian, bila disatukan, definisi clinical legal education adalah “pendidikan mengenai ilmu pengetahuan hukum.” Hukum menjadi fokus dalam suatu pembelajaran.

Clinical legal education memiliki cakupan yang mendalam mengenai studi tentang hukum, yakni “a full law centre casework and representation model, advice only model, referral service, representation only service, placement service, street law, and other community projects and simulated clinical activity.”

Keberanian untuk mengadopsi dan mengembangkan konsep clinical legal education tidak mudah ditimbulkan. Konsep ini bukan semata-mata hanya berada pada tataran teoretis yang dimasukkan ke dalam kurikulum, tapi bagaimana mempraktekkannya dalam proses belajar mengajar yang tepat sasaran. Banyak hal harus disiapkan dan dipikirkan demi melaksanakan suatu cita-cita pembentukan karakter lulusan, yang notabene saat ini sedang “diperdebatkan.”

Clinical legal education memberikan gambaran mengenai upaya-upaya transfer pengetahuan antara pengajar dan mahasiswa tanpa menimbulkan manipulasi (bersifat das sollen saja). Hal ini juga memberikan kesempatan bagi mahasiswa untuk menghadapi kasus-kasus hukum di lapangan nanti. Paling tidak, diperlukan pendekatan pembelajaran yang baik dan dapat diterima oleh mahasiswa.

Peran aktif staf pengajar di dalam kelas mutlak hanya untuk merangsang kepekaan dan menimbulkan kreativitas mahasiswa. Pendekatan tersebut misalnya, melalui cara memberi peluang bagi terciptanya kurikulum dan pembenahan metode pembelajaran. Perlu disadari pula oleh staf pengajar bahwa yang dididiknya adalah mahasiswa, yang masih dalam tahap belajar, sehingga memerlukan pendampingan serta pengetahuan praktek.

Beberapa hal yang perlu dipahami antara lain: (1) pemberian teori-teori hukum di dalam kelas dibarengi pelaksanaan legal practice dengan menghadapi kasus-kasus sesungguhnya; (2) realitas hukum dan bagaimana mahasiswa dapat membentuk pendapat hukum yang berdasarkan pada prinsip-prinsip hukum; (3) legal drafting dan kegunaannya yang tidak terbatas pada sekadar membuat, namun juga menganalisis kasus dan menuangkannya; (4) peningkatan pengetahuan dan pengalaman praktek-praktek bagaimana hukum dan penegak hukum di dunia nyata.

Keterbukaan dan Perubahan Paradigma Pembelajaran
Tanpa bermaksud menggurui, para pengajar seharusnya memiliki keterbukaan untuk menerima keadaan masa kini, dimana mahasiswa dengan kemampuannya masing-masing memiliki kreativitas dan semakin kritis, hingga mahasiswa mendapat kesempatan untuk tahu lebih banyak melalui: (1) pembagian pengalaman-pengalaman hukum; (2) kesempatan untuk menyangkal dan tidak sependapat dengan fakta-fakta yuridis, namun tetap berpijak pada sumber-sumber hukum; (3) pemahaman akan hak–hak untuk meningkatkan peran mahasiswa dalam studi praktek hukum lewat kurikulum yang terstruktur.

Pendekatan-pendekatan di atas hendaknya juga dibarengi dengan penilaian tentang sejauh mana pengajar dan mahasiswa mampu menerapkannya (tingkat keberhasilan mahasiswa dapat menyerap dan memahami apa yang diberikan). Dalam menerapkan metode pendekatan seperti yang telah diuraikan, setidaknya evaluasi dapat diketahui dengan melihat dua hal sebagai berikut.

Pertama, melalui peningkatan semangat dan komitmen. Mahasiswa bersama-sama dengan pengajar dapat melihat dan mencermati bagaimana situasi dan kondisi yang dibangun dalam kegiatan belajar dan mengajar. Tingkat keseriusan mahasiswa sebagai subjek, yang diharapkan dapat berperan aktif, dinilai dari: (1) tingkat kemampuan mencermati dan memahami kasus-kasus yang diberikan dan dipraktekkan; (2) peningkatan kemampuan dan pengetahuan mahasiswa dalam menganalisis dan menampilkannya sebagai suatu bentuk presentasi hukum; (3) relevansi pengetahuan hukum yang tidak hanya pada legal practice saja, tapi juga pada ketepatan ilmu hukum yang diterapkan dalam praktek; (4) adanya keaktifan dan kreativitas mahasiswa di dalam dan luar kelas, terutama yang berkaitan dengan studi hukum.

Kedua, dengan melaihat sampai sejauh mana mahasiswa memiliki gambaran praktek seorang penegak hukum sebagai pembela keadilan, yakni bagaimana pengajar menularkan pengetahuan dan pengalamannya kepada mahasiswa dan sampai sejauh mana mahasiswa menyerap dan mengembangkannya dalam suasana akademis, serta dibiasakan dalam atmosfer sistem hukum di Indonesia. Hal itu dapat diketahui dengan situasi dan kondisi dimana mahasiswa mempraktekkan apa yang telah diberikan kepadanya (misalnya, mahasiswa diikutsertakan dalam pendampingan penyelesaian kasus yang nyata), peluang yang diperoleh mahasiswa dalam meningkatkan kemampuan diri secara aktif, serta bagaimana mahasiswa membahani dan tidak ketinggalan jaman dalam perkembangan produk-produk hukum.

Pengetahuan Tentang Etika dan Profesi Hukum
Mahasiswa yang belajar dan menggunakan hukum sebagai ilmu pengetahuan, hendaknya juga memiliki perilaku sesuai etika penegak hukum yang baik. Kebiasaan-kebiasaan penegak dan penegakan hukum dalam praktek, baik langsung maupun tak langsung, diberikan dan ditanamkan sejak dini, sehingga mahasiswa dapat dinilai apakah mereka sudah memiliki kapabilitas dan moralitas seorang yang mengerti hukum.

Profesionalitas seorang penegak hukum dilihat dari perilaku mahasiswa yang sedang belajar dan berusaha menggali kemampuannya di dalam studi. Tanggungjawab hukum juga dinilai sebagai salah satu indikator sampai sejauh mana mahasiswa dibentuk dan dididik sebagai seorang ahli.

Menurut saya, hal-hal di atas merupakan indikator terpenting dalam mencapai mutu yang diinginkan dan hendak diperoleh melalui studi di fakultas hukum. Pemahaman akan pendidikan hukum yang berorientasi pada profesionalitas disadari arti pentingnya, sehingga mahasiswa akan mencari cara lain untuk memenuhi kebutuhannya, melalui keikutsertaan dalam kegiatan-kegiatan pendukung profesi penegak hukum di masa depan.

Dengan demikian, kalaupun benar asumsi bahwa pendidikan hukum di FH UKSW adalah untuk memenuhi kebutuhan pasar, maka pasar sangat membutuhkan orang-orang yang ahli hukum, yang berhubungan dengan peradilan, menjadi hakim, jaksa atau advokat, dan menjadi bagian hukum pada perusahaan swasta atau instansi pemerintah.

Saat ini, yang harus segera dilakukan agar lulusan FH UKSW “siap pakai” adalah melakukan perubahan kurikulum pendidikan hukum. Perubahan ditujukan agar para lulusan tidak sekadar memahami teori, tapi juga menguasai ketrampilan hukum, sehingga pendidikan hukum akademis dan profesi tidak disatukan dalam satu kurikulum.

Pembahasan mengenai kurikulum di FH UKSW sebaiknya bukan hanya membahas mengenai apa yang mesti diajarkan atau apa yang mesti diberikan kepada mahasiswa. Tetapi juga mengenai apa yang benar-benar dibutuhkan oleh masyarakat dewasa ini.

Menurut Mochtar Kusumaatmadja, pendidikan klinis yang direncanakan dengan baik tidak hanya mengajarkan keterampilan teknis, melainkan juga harus menghadapkan mahasiswa pada keadaan-keadaan yang akan dijumpainya dalam masyarakat kelak. Dan, juga harus menambahkan suatu kebiasaan atau sikap memberi solusi terhadap suatu masalah (problem solving attitude). Dengan demikian, maka pendekatan klinis hukum adalah hal yang paling tepat untuk dilaksanakan di FH UKSW.

(set)

dimuat juga di scientiarum-uksw

Categories: CLED

Eksistensi Moot Court di FH UKSW

May 20, 2008 3 comments

Mahasiswa Fakultas Hukum (FH) UKSW pasti tidak asing dengan Program Studi (Progdi) Ilmu Hukum, karena ini satu-satunya program studi yang ada. Progdi ini memberikan peluang bagi para mahasiswa untuk mempelajari apa saja yang berkaitan dengan hukum di Indonesia dan dunia. Setidaknya, itulah pandangan sebagian mahasiswa FH UKSW saat ini.

Pencanangan studi hukum bisnis di FH UKSW nampaknya perlu ditinjau kembali, karena materi yang didapat dirasa belum cukup memenuhi kompetensi studi hukum bisnis. Oleh karena itu, penting juga meninjau ulang materi perkuliahan dan muatan teorinya, yang beberapa di antaranya bahkan sangat penting untuk menunjang keberlangsungan kegiatan belajar mengajar di FH UKSW.

Selain belajar mengenai teori hukum, praktek penerapannya juga tak kalah penting untuk dilatih demi mendapatkan karakter lulusan yang berkualitas. Mempelajari dan mencermati kasus hukum penting untuk membiasakan dan melatih mahasiswa beradaptasi dengan kultur peradilan di Indonesia. Persiapan dini hendaknya dilakukan sejak masa studi di kampus, sehingga ketika lulus, dapat sesuai dengan kebutuhan dunia peradilan Indonesia.

Salah satu upaya tersebut adalah memperdalam materi kuliah Pendidikan Latihan dan Keterampilan Hukum (PLKH) melalui praktek-praktek pengadilan. Beberapa tahun belakangan, mata kuliah PLKH menjadi satu-satunya media praktek beracara dan mengembangkan keterampilan hukum bagi mahasiswa. Namun perkembangan terakhir, PLKH bukan lagi menjadi satu-satunya.

Lahirnya kembali Komunitas Studi Peradilan Semu di FH UKSW adalah satu jawaban yang mencoba mengakomodir kepentingan mahasiswa untuk lebih mengembangkan diri. Komunitas tersebut, yang lebih dikenal dengan sebutan “Moot Court Community (MCC),” memiliki peran penting sebagai penunjang sarana belajar. Didukung dengan keberadaan fasilitas seperti Laboratorium Hukum, MCC diharapkan dapat berkembang. Hal ini pula yang membuktikan bahwa mahasiswa FH tidak hanya berkutat dengan menghapal isi undang-undang, tetapi juga memahami makna, serta perlakuan hukum di dunia nyata.

Oleh karena praktek magang, atau Kuliah Kerja Nyata (KKN) di FH UKSW sudah tidak diselenggarakan lagi, MCC mencoba menjembatani keinginan mahasiswa untuk tampil dan berkarya sebagai bentuk peningkatan kemampuan akademis. Moot court dapat pula menjadi manifestasi kepentingan keadilan hukum serta aparatnya. Minimal, idealisme hukum dibentuk melalui proses peradilan yang diciptakan dalam sebuah ruang kecil, dan ditampilkan sebagai suatu apresiasi seni.

Dengan adanya moot court, mahasiswa FH akan terbiasa dengan situasi kondisi ruang pengadilan, agar nanti mahasiswa tidak kebingungan lagi. Laboratorium Hukum juga merupakan tempat mahasiswa FH melakukan simulasi pengadilan yang serupa dengan ruang dan atmosfir pengadilan sebenarnya. Tidak hanya mengenai tata letak tempat duduk hakim, jaksa, pembela, terdakwa, saksi, dan pengunjung sidang, tetapi juga mengenai cara bersikap unsur penegak hukum, dinamika konflik di dalam ruang persidangan, serta sejauh mana kemampuan mahasiswa memerankan tokoh.

Di universitas lain di Indonesia, moot court menjadi bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dalam rangka menunjang kegiatan perkuliahan. Bahkan, moot court merupakan prestige tersendiri.

Moot court dapat pula dimanfaatkan sebagai tempat mendiskusikan kasus hukum yang sedang dipelajari. Untuk studi kasus, menggunakan kasus yang nyata. Persepsi yang demikianlah yang terungkap dari hasil bertukar pendapat antara Tim Delegasi MCC FH UKSW dengan tim delegasi dari universitas-universitas lain saat mengikuti kegiatan National Moot Court Competition Piala Prof. Sudarto Universitas Diponegoro, pada akhir November 2007.

Hal inilah yang menjadi perbedaan mendasar di FH UKSW dengan fakultas hukum lain di Indonesia. Ketertinggalan FH UKSW dalam menyikapi perkembangan moot court, menyebabkan karakter lulusannya belum dapat memiliki keterampilan praktek pada proses peradilan, serta tidak dapat bersaing dengan lulusan fakultas hukum lain di Indonesia. Padahal, dewasa ini soft skill diajukan sebagai salah satu syarat masuk dunia kerja.

Namun, terlambat bukan berarti tidak sama sekali.

Setidaknya, ada tiga masalah penting yang menjadi hambatan bagi keberlangsungan moot court di FH UKSW. Pertama, mahasiswa FH UKSW kurang menyadari pentingnya peran moot court sebagai salah satu sarana penunjang demi memperoleh keterampilan. Demikian juga dengan pola pelatihan moot court yang dapat mengikuti jaman dan dilakukan secara mandiri oleh mahasiswa. Kesadaran tersebut hendaknya ditimbulkan dengan upaya pengenalan moot court oleh sivitas akademika yang pernah ambil bagian, baik dosen, mahasiswa senior. Bisa juga melalui “kampanye kecil” pada saat kegiatan kuliah, mading, dan sebagainya.

Kedua, kesatuan pemahaman moot court yang tidak tercipta dengan baik antara dosen, staf pengajar, dan mahasiswa. Pemahaman moot court bukan sekadar fokus pada penampilan saat pengadilan berlangsung. Tapi juga lebih luas kepada suatu proses dari sistem hukum yang dijalankan dalam peradilan Indonesia, yaitu dari mengadakan riset kasus, pola penyelidikan, penyidikan, pembuatan berkas acara perkara dan berkas acara peradilan, dan sebagainya. Serta mengarah pada hukum mana yang diterapkan pada kasus tersebut. Dengan demikian, praktek beracara, atau muh-trial, dalam moot court “hanya” menjadi salah satu bagian saja. Di sini, pentingnya koordinasi dan komunikasi yang baik antara staf pengajar, pimpinan fakultas, mahasiswa, serta MCC adalah upaya terbaik demi mencapai satu tujuan yang tepat.

Ketiga, kurikulum FH UKSW belum sepenuhnya akrab dengan proses peradilan, baik dalam tataran teoretis, tapi juga pada praktek matakuliah yang belum ditingkatkan secara optimal. Kurikulum pula, yang patut dipertimbangkan untuk diubah, sehingga senada dengan kepentingan dunia peradilan di Indonesia dan dunia kerja setelah lulus. Relevansi masih tidaknya hukum bisnis menjadi fokus karakter lulusan FH UKSW harus mendapat perhatian.

Dengan berbagai masalah di atas, maka moot court bukan lagi menjadi asing bagi mahasiswa, tapi dapat menjadi sarana belajar yang terpenting dalam melatih diri, sehingga lulusan tidak mengalami kebimbangan dalam melamar pekerjaan atau profesi aparat penegak hukum di Indonesia.

Perhatian khusus kepada komunitas studi juga layak diperhitungkan, mengingat komunitas studi muncul dan berkembang tidak hanya bergantung pada satu pihak saja. Ingat, hukum ada karena manusia ingin mengatur kehidupannya. Demikian juga MCC ada karena mahasiswa membutuhkannya untuk masa depan kehidupan.

Ave Iustitia!

(set)

Dimuat juga di scientiarum-uksw

Categories: Artikel

Adopting and adapting: clinical legal education and access to justice in China

May 20, 2008 Leave a comment
Source:Harvard Law Review 120.8 (June 2007): p2134(22). (10279 words)
Document Type:Magazine/Journal
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Full Text :COPYRIGHT 2007 Harvard Law Review Association

I. INTRODUCTION

Since the Ministry of Justice’s first mention of “legal aid” in its Lawyers’ Professional Morality and Professional Discipline Standards in 1993, the Chinese government has increasingly emphasized legal aid as an important component of an overall project to implement the rule of law in China. (1) From the outset, Chinese universities and their students have played a role in legal aid’s development, first through university-affiliated nongovernmental legal aid centers and student-run organizations, and more recently through clinical legal education programs incorporated into the law school curriculum. These student legal aid efforts have been self-consciously modeled on clinical legal education programs in the United States, and like their U.S. counterparts, they state among their goals not just building skills, but also instilling in students a commitment to public service and fulfilling some small part of China’s legal aid needs–in other words, contributing to the expansion of access to justice in China. (2)

Such cross-jurisdictional borrowing of institutional models is not only desirable, but also necessary in a country such as China, which since the late 1970s has sought to develop rapidly a market economy and the accompanying legal and regulatory infrastructure necessary to administer it. But, as scholars often have lamented since Professors Marc Galanter and David Trubek’s original critique of the law and development movement, (3) successful legal transplantation is neither easy nor routine. Borrowed models must be adjusted to indigenous circumstances. (4) And in every importation, the nasty specter of “legal imperialism” (5) lurks: the would-be imparter and the would-be recipient must constantly examine what, if anything, makes the introduced idea or institution better than what is already there. Western theorists have at times doubted the very validity of legal importations, claiming the law and development movement to be in a constant state of “crisis.” (6) But notwithstanding the theorists’ perceived conundrum, practitioners in developing countries have continued to import and adapt legal models. They know “there [is] no going back” (7) to an idealized pre-globalization state, and in today’s globalized economy, they will have to borrow to catch up.

China’s legal educators, for their part, are keenly aware of the challenges before them in importing clinical legal education; they have struggled from the outset with the question of how to “localize” the American model, in which they see much promise but many ill fits. (8) This Note examines China’s importation and localization of this one legal institution, the U.S.-style legal clinic, with respect to one stated goal of the importation, promoting equal access to justice in China. The scope is purposefully modest: one might also examine clinical legal education’s potential contributions to many other worthy goals, including increasing the professional skills of law graduates or instilling a sense of professional responsibility that might ultimately strengthen the Chinese bar, but those questions are large and deserving of separate treatment. The conclusion is also modest: clinical legal education alone, no matter how adapted, does not have the power to establish equal access to justice in China, although it may, if China’s clinical legal educators continue their innovative adaptations to Chinese needs and circumstances, contribute in some small way to that goal.

Part II of this Note examines the relationship between clinical legal education and the goal of equal access to justice, both in the movement’s origins in the United States and in its importation to China. Part III steps back for a view of the context in which clinical legal education operates in China, noting distinctive features of the Chinese legal system and profession that might pose challenges to addressing access-to-justice concerns through clinical legal education. From this grounding, Part IV examines some promising innovations by Chinese clinical educators that begin to address these challenges in creative ways. Part V concludes that these innovations show much promise, but no form of clinical legal education alone will be sufficient to address China’s access-to-justice needs.

II. THE GOAL: USING CLINICAL LEGAL EDUCATION TO FURTHER EQUAL ACCESS TO JUSTICE

A. Roots of the Movement: The United States

Both legal aid and clinical legal education took wing in the United States in the 1960s. Legal aid through local voluntary groups had existed in the United States since 1876, (9) but it was not until the 1960s that a powerful anti-poverty movement sought government support for a nationwide legal aid scheme, culminating in the formation of the Legal Services Corporation (LSC). (10) Likewise, while one can trace the development of clinical legal education in the United States back to the efforts of legal realists from the 1930s to the 1950s, it was the efforts of William Pincus, a lawyer who was an anti-poverty advocate and officer of the Ford Foundation, that secured Ford Foundation funding in the late 1960s for the Council on Legal Education and for Professional Responsibility (CLEPR), and in turn for dozens of clinical legal education programs at law schools throughout the country. (11) After initial pilot programs at a handful of schools in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the majority of law schools introduced clinical legal education over the decade that followed, and the movement coalesced. (12) The mission of these new clinical programs was intrinsically tied to the legal aid movement: the programs aimed not simply to teach skills and instill a general commitment to public service, but to create a cadre of dedicated young lawyers ready to fill positions in new legal aid centers funded by the LSC. Clinical legal education was synonymous with an access-to-justice goal.

The legal aid and clinical legal education movements were in step with their time. It was doubtless a turbulent period in American history, but also one in which the use of the legal system to promote rights seemed to have boundless potential. The Warren Court held sway. At the same time, civil rights preoccupied the American consciousness, and the tight correlation between race and poverty was apparent to those in the legal aid and clinical legal education movements. (13) It is natural, then, that the rhetoric of the movements was based in the rights of discrete groups and often framed in terms of equal protection and nondiscrimination. Practitioners and educators focused on litigation and, beyond providing services to allow individual clients to access the legal system, often relied on “test cases” to change the law itself in ways anticipated to provide broader rights to underprivileged groups. (14)

Clinical legal education has progressively “solidified and expanded its foothold in the academy” since the 1960s. (15) Clinical programs are now part of the curriculum at virtually every law school in the United States, (16) and they have become sufficiently mainstream that the American Bar Association requires accredited law schools to offer students “live-client or other real-life practice experiences.” (17) Studies have found that, although overall student commitment to public interest work declines during the three years of law school, (18) participation in law school legal clinics increases students’ professed desire to enter a public interest career (19) and seems to be a factor in students’ actual decisions to do so. (20)

Still, some lament the seeming lack of progress in the field and wonder if clinical legal education is truly achieving its original access-to-justice goals. Clinical programs “remain at the periphery of law school curricula.” (21) Clinical offerings are usually elective, and clinical instructors enjoy relatively low status, often hired on a short-term basis with comparatively low compensation. (22) In such a system, only a limited number of students are receiving the message of the profession’s commitment to public interest values. Human and financial resource constraints mean such programs can provide only token direct service to the poor as compared to need. Further, although offerings have diversified, the overwhelming focus of legal clinics has remained litigation, often emphasizing formal legal rules at the expense of attention to structural and enforcement problems that pose just as great a barrier to the disadvantaged in accessing justice. (23) Few systematic studies of student skills acquisition (24) or client-side results (25) have been conducted, leaving the effectiveness of clinical methods at fulfilling the access-to-justice goal an open question.

Despite these hurdles, the access-to-justice goal remains strong in U.S. clinical discourse, (26) and the hope is that clinical legal education has and will continue to foster equal access to justice in several ways. First, it may instill a commitment to public interest in its participants, who may continue to contribute to access-to-justice issues later in life through a public interest career path, pro bono work, or financial support. Second, clinics may directly provide significant (if not sufficient) amounts of legal services to disadvantaged groups. Third, clinical programs may effect change beyond the individual client through strategies that contemplate change in the law itself. Finally, legal clinics may serve as laboratories for exploring methods for more effective representation of clients’ interests. (27)

B. The Translation: China

As it did in the United States, clinical legal education emerges in China at a definitive national moment. The economic reforms begun by Deng Xiaoping almost three decades ago have come to fruition as China enjoys rapid economic growth. But China’s citizens are not sharing equally in the fruits of its economic success: while urban residents enjoy greater and greater prosperity, the rural population remains impoverished. (28) Addressing this inequality is perhaps China’s greatest challenge today. In addition to concern for its citizens’ well being, the Chinese government also has an interest in maintaining both social stability at home and face vis-a-vis the rest of the world. (29)

The Chinese government has embraced legal reform as one means of managing its newly globalized economy and the societal problems stemming from it. Beginning in the early 1990s, the Chinese government increasingly emphasized legal aid and, more generally, rights protection for all citizens as important components of the overall project to implement “rule of law” in China. (30) The Ministry of Justice initiated its own efforts to build a national legal aid system in 1994; (31) since then, the number of legal aid centers nationwide has grown to over 3000. (32) The Ministry of Justice has listed the development of legal aid as a priority goal. (33)

As in the United States, clinical legal education has aligned with the broader effort to address inequality and increase rule of law in China. China began experimenting with university-based legal aid as early as 1992, when a law professor at Wuhan University started the first such program in China, the Wuhan University Center for the Protection of Rights of Disadvantaged Citizens (Wuhan Center). (34) Then, in September 2000, with support from the Ford Foundation, seven universities instituted law clinics and formally integrated them into the law school curriculum, (35) explicitly emulating U.S. clinical legal education programs. (36) Four more universities followed suit in 2002, and in July of that year, the eleven universities founded the Committee of Chinese Clinical Legal Education (CCCLE) to promote the growth and development of clinical legal education in China. (37) By February 2007, sixty-four university law schools or departments had joined the organization. (38) In addition to promoting exchange of information among Chinese universities, CCCLE places a heavy emphasis on dialogue and partnership with American universities, both by sending Chinese educators to the United States to observe clinics and by inviting U.S. educators to China to share teaching methods and experiences. (39)

Improving access to justice remains a central theme of clinical legal education in China: clinical educators identify as primary goals for their programs, in addition to building practical skills, instilling in students commitment to the public interest and assisting with China’s legal aid needs. (40) Moreover, China’s inequality, combined with the government’s desire to expand legal aid, presents a gaping need for work in the area of access to justice. For clinical legal education to meet this goal in the Chinese context, however, Chinese clinical educators will have to consider challenges that make an exact duplication of the U.S. model an imperfect fit.

III. THE CHALLENGES: THE CONTEXT OF CLINICAL LEGAL EDUCATION IN CHINA

A. The Chinese System

Drastic government reforms begun in the late 1970s endeavored to transform China. These reforms were not limited to economics; after a decade of chaos, the government espoused the concepts of a government of laws and equality before the law. These principles were affirmed in the Constitution of 1982, which remains in effect today. (41) China has made progress toward these rhetorical ideals in the past decades; the ideals have not, however, proved quick or easy to achieve. (42) This section aims not to catalogue all of the successes and failures of China’s legal reforms in recent decades, but rather to provide a general sketch of the Chinese system and how law operates within it, highlighting those features that might prove to be stumbling blocks for contributing to access to justice through clinical legal education.

1. The Party and the Administrative State. — China today remains a Party-state in which administration is the preferred form of governance. Dual, massive bureaucracies–the Communist Party and the government–operate side by side, with officials in the former occupying most of the prominent administrative positions in the latter. (43) Power remains overwhelmingly concentrated in the hands of the Party. Moreover, what would, in the U.S. system, be separate branches of government–the legislature and the judiciary–are in China, in effect, two units within the government side of the bureaucracy, which operates as a single-branch administrative state. (44) Although as a formal matter the National People’s Congress is the supreme organ of the state, (45) many agencies outrank the legislatures and courts in terms of clout and hold vast regulatory power, (46) thus stymieing the power of those organs usually associated with law to promote access to justice absent broader structural reforms.

2. Legislation and Regulation. — Three levels of legislatures in China–national, provincial, and city–may legislate on all issues affecting their respective jurisdictions so long as their legislation is consistent with higher-level enactments. (47) Typically, the standing committees of legislatures form subcommittees, consult with various government agencies, draft legislation, and, in some cases, directly enact legislation. (48) The full body of the legislature approves the final drafts of important laws, usually with near unanimity; the National People’s Congress has yet to vote down a piece of legislation. (49) The laws issued at the national level are typically vague, often intentionally leaving room for government agencies and legislatures at various levels to issue implementing rules and regulations and to tailor the specifics to local needs. (50) In addition, the state’s vast array of administrative agencies at all levels may issue regulations and policy directives on issues that fall within their jurisdictions. (51) These regulations and policy directives often carry more practical weight than legislation because they tend to be more exact, and courts generally follow the most specific pronouncement on a given issue.

The scope of laws, regulations, and policies in China is wide-ranging, as the state remains heavily involved in its citizens’ lives, from decisions regarding family planning to religious practice. However, several factors impede China’s most disadvantaged from utilizing law to accomplish their goals. Chinese laws and regulations suffer from overlapping lawmaking authority, with multiple agencies and legislative bodies at the national, provincial, and local levels making pronouncements on the same issue, often causing laws to conflict in a system that has yet to develop clear principles to rectify such conflicts. (52) Despite recent efforts to consult experts and the public when drafting legislation, (53) the process remains opaque and “[i]ndividual citizens and interest groups have few channels for influencing the law-making process,” (54) which in turn may lead to bad substantive laws. Further problems include vagueness and generally poor drafting of legislation (55) and instability of the laws. (56)

The challenge for proponents of equal access to justice, then, is to build systematically a structure in which laws are internally coherent, accessible, and responsive to public need. A particular law’s incoherence, inaccessibility, and inapplicability are unlikely to be severe impediments to the well-connected; a simple call to the relevant official will do the trick. It is the ideal of law, however, to define a system whereby an unconnected individual can find an answer that is equally applicable, with equal ease.

3. The Judicial Role. — Unfortunately, China’s courts are not in a position to rationalize incoherent legislation or, more broadly, facilitate access to justice as they might in other legal systems. First, the place of courts within China’s bureaucratic power structure limits their ability to adjudicate. As noted above, the judiciary has the rank of a common agency, and a fairly low-level one at that. Cases involving high-ranking Party officials are still beyond the reach of the courts and are usually handled within the Party system. (57) Moreover, although a court theoretically answers to higher-level courts, it is also beholden to Party and government officials at its equivalent geographical level, where judicial appointment and dismissal decisions are made and the court’s budget is set. (58) For this reason, it is common for judges to check with local political officials before issuing decisions that are considered “politically sensitive.” (59) As a matter of procedure, it is also common for judges to consult with the head of their own court or the court at the next-highest level prior to the decision, effectively negating the import of an appeal. (60)

Second, even if judges enjoyed full prestige and independence, certain features of China’s legal regime limit litigation’s potential as a path for change. China’s is a civil law system in which the decision of one case does not create a binding precedent for the next. (61) Further, Chinese judges are not empowered to review legislation for compliance with the Constitution, nor are they empowered to review lower-level legislation for consistency with higher-level legislation. (62) Such conflicts may be solved only through legislative or regulatory action, (63) and in a particular case, a judge must simply apply one rule without explicitly invalidating the other.

A third impediment to utilizing courts as a force to reshape laws in ways that promote equal access to justice is the low level of education of many of China’s judges. Historically, judges were not required to have any legal credentials, or even a college degree. A large percentage of judges were, in fact, retired military personnel. (64) In recent years, China has adopted more stringent requirements for entry into the judiciary, including passage of the bar exam and a college degree. (65) But judges from the era of military appointments will remain on the bench for some time, and they are unlikely to rock the boat with incisively written, progressive opinions.

Although these considerations paint a fairly grim picture, it is important to emphasize that China’s courts have been growing in strength thanks to ongoing reforms. As noted above, reforms in judicial qualification requirements ensure that the judiciary will grow in its legal knowledge and skill as new judges ascend to the bench. At the same time, the independence of individual courts from local government pressure–if not the independence of individual judges (66)–has increased in recent years. (67) Even more promising, some courts, particularly at the lower levels, have been pushing at the seams to expand their power, experimenting with everything from using the Constitution as a gap-filler to vindicate basic rights to using other same-level courts’ decisions in a semi-precedential fashion. (68) Higher-level courts have begun selecting “precedents,” which are not technically binding but which lower courts are generally expected to follow. (69) The Supreme People’s Court has allowed at least moderate room for such experimentation and itself distributes lower-level decisions it selects as exemplars for emulation on a quarterly basis. (70) Nonetheless, the results of these inklings of reform, and their ultimate impact on Chinese courts’ ability to foster access to justice, remain to be seen.

B. The Legal Profession

Compared to law students in the United States, who upon graduation are considered part of the community of lawyers, law students in China tend to enter a more diverse set of careers. (71) These include work as lawyers, judges, prosecutors, government workers within various agencies, and businesspeople, all of which are viewed as distinct professions. Given the current low passage rate of China’s bar exam, (72) the highest proportion of law graduates today are going into the latter two types of positions, which do not require bar certification. For example, statistics for Master’s and Ph.D. law students graduating in 2003 from Tsinghua University, one of the top law departments in China, show only 11.5% joining law firms and 4.2% going to courts. (73)

For those who do enter the legal field, the question remains: is the legal profession in China well positioned to contribute to access to justice at all? It is the Western scholar’s natural tendency to look to the legal profession to solve perceived legal problems. Professor William Alford cautions, however, that such scholars have tended to “significantly overstate[]” the role of the legal profession in China’s reforms to date. (74) Commitment of the profession to legal aid has been limited in China. Most lawyers consider any commitment to public service to be fulfilled through “mandatory pro bono,” which is required by law at the local level (75) and viewed by lawyers in a light similar to payment of taxes. (76) Within the legal aid field, most are state workers affiliated with the National Legal Aid Center or its local branches; only a spirited few, working in a handful of NGO legal aid centers, maintain the independent stance and commitment to the public interest that Americans associate with the social justice movement. (77)

In addition, the number of lawyers per capita in China limits their ability to make significant strides in promoting access to justice. China simply does not have enough lawyers, even with mandatory pro bono, to guarantee equal access through a case-by-case strategy. Despite exponential growth in the absolute number of lawyers, China’s proportion of lawyers to total population is far lower than that of the United States. Whereas approximately 125,000 lawyers serve a population of over 1.3 billion (78) in China (less than one lawyer for every 10,000 people), over one million lawyers (79) serve a population of about 300 million (80) in the United States (more than one lawyer for every 300 people). Even in the United States, legal aid efforts through the individual service model are often criticized for failing to fulfill need; this problem is exacerbated in China. Furthermore, China’s lawyers are highly concentrated in cities, whereas the vast majority of the country’s poor remain in the countryside. (81) According to official statistics, 206 counties in China do not have even one licensed lawyer. (82) A working model for rule-of-law development and legal aid cannot assume the availability of lawyers to handle every case in China. China, therefore, needs to find other solutions.

C. Tentative Diagnosis

The U.S. model of clinical legal education at least initially appears to be a good fit for China’s need to provide access to justice for all citizens. China’s challenge is similar to the one that clinical legal education, in combination with legal aid, first sought to address in the United States: how can a legal system guarantee equal access to justice to citizens with unequal endowments of wealth? However, to address this problem effectively, clinical educators in China need to take into account features of China’s current legal system and profession and adjust the clinical legal education model accordingly. Clinical educators in China have strived to make these assessments and adjustments from the outset; Part IV explores some of their solutions in detail. But first, this section attempts a tentative diagnosis of the major potential hurdles.

Several factors noted above, when viewed in tandem, suggest that a case-by-case litigation strategy alone may be of little practical utility in promoting access to justice in China. The many law graduates pursuing non-legal careers, the low lawyer-to-population ratio, and the concentration of lawyers in urban rather than rural areas all suggest that case-by-case provision of legal services will amount to a mere scratch on the surface. In addition, many hurdles to accessing justice exist at a higher, systematic level, namely, in the continued concentration of power in the Party, in legislative and regulatory processes, and in the content of and conflicts among laws. Moreover, litigation is limited as a tool by systemic features including China’s lack of a precedential system and the limited prestige and political position of the courts.

Other factors suggest that even an approach that looks beyond the single case might have limited success. First, various pressures weigh against attempts to inspire students to continue their public service commitments beyond graduation. Whereas at the time of clinical legal education’s development the United States was home to a class of legal professionals who were both self-aware as a distinctive, internally governed professional group and historically (at least rhetorically) committed to working “in the public interest,” (83) such professional awareness and commitment has yet to develop fully in China. Public interest job opportunities are rare–as are legal jobs as a whole–and young law graduates who enter traditional law firms find little support for pro bono work outside of that mandated by the state. Commitments, even if sincere, are difficult to maintain when not supported by a subculture of others with similar commitments. (84)

Second, fledgling clinics in China are faced with limited resources. Most programs rely almost entirely on a single foreign source–the Ford Foundation–for funding. Such an arrangement carries the disadvantages of limited funding and a lack of guaranteed, long-term stability. (85) Many scholars have proposed expanding and diversifying clinical legal education’s funding sources, and in particular increasing domestic funding from universities, the public, and the government. (86) But obtaining adequate funding from each of these sources involves significant challenges. In a challenge quite similar to one seen in the United States, Chinese universities would need to change their attitude that clinical legal education is “much less important than the courses required for graduation” (87) before they would invest the necessary funds. And in a challenge somewhat different from the situation in the United States, (88) obtaining adequate funding from the public would require “raising the entire society’s public consciousness, and especially that of the legal profession,” (89) as well as state encouragement of donations through expanded tax deductibility provisions. Further, as discussed below, government funding must be viewed with caution if it comes with the string of greater supervision attached. China’s clinics continue to struggle with these problems, and until larger and more stable pools of funding materialize, clinical programs will by necessity remain small. “Legal clinics remain a sort of luxury item” (90) made available only to a select group of the brightest students through an application process. (91) These resource limitations not only restrict the concrete amount of legal aid work clinics are able to accomplish, but also inhibit the development of a subcultural community that would support continued public interest consciousness among law graduates.

Third, and relatedly, clinics in China have limited independence. Financial dependence on foreign sources may dissuade clinical programs in China from looking beyond case-by-case litigation because funding gravitates toward familiar models. (92) An additional threat to independence comes from within China in the form of standardization and government supervision. Although standardization of practice by the CCCLE has been mostly positive, there is the potential that too much consistency can discourage, even stifle, the creativity necessary to develop new ways to address China’s legal aid needs. Moreover, many scholars are calling for even greater standardization and more direct governmental supervision, through the auspices of the National Legal Aid Center under the Ministry of Justice, to coordinate all clinical legal education programs across China. (93) Indeed, some schools have created clinical programs that are by and large externships with local governmental legal aid centers. (94) While coordination between government legal aid programs and university clinics may no doubt bring many benefits in terms of greater effectiveness and opportunities for students, a centralized supervisory regime and strong ties to the government may undermine the ability of clinical programs to creatively address systematic problems within the government itself.

IV. THE STRATEGIES: INNOVATIVE, INDIGENOUS ADAPTATIONS OF CLINICAL LEGAL EDUCATION IN CHINA TODAY

This Part examines three innovative clinical models in China today in an attempt to analyze how they respond to the potential problems outlined above. The first model takes a typical case-by-case litigation approach, but at the same time it creatively harnesses the media to achieve a larger impact. The second model works directly with local government to draft new legislation that has an impact on disadvantaged social groups. The third model uses a comprehensive approach to assist a rural community in improving local governance and to explore “rule of law” institutions at the community level.

A. The Litigation Approach

Clinical legal education programs in China thus far have been largely oriented toward legal consultation and litigation. As noted above, the ability to promote equal access to justice through such a case-by-case approach may be limited by the realities of China’s current legal system. Some litigation clinics, however, have identified strategies that aim to influence beyond the single case. The Wuhan University Center for the Protection of Rights of Disadvantaged Citizens, the oldest and most developed litigation clinic, serves as a leading example of the potential such clinics hold.

First, the Wuhan Center is particularly adept at utilizing the power of the media. (95) Media attention on a legal case can both raise public awareness of a given rights issue and, when relevant, put pressure on government officials beyond the court to remedy the issue in question. (96) Moreover, with courts’ increasing horizontal communication, there is a possibility that a given decision will have persuasive influence beyond the single case–a possibility strongly tied to media attention. This strategy, of course, requires factual circumstances compelling enough to harness public opinion. But in the absence of formal court-based mechanisms through which citizens can challenge and change the laws, change inspired by public pressure may be a next-best alternative. (97)

The Wuhan Center maintains extremely good relations with the media, and these relations have allowed it to attract positive media coverage not just in Wuhan, but nationwide. (98) Whereas other legal aid centers take cases based on income-eligibility requirements regardless of subject matter, (99) the Wuhan Center has identified and pursued factually compelling cases in its areas of focus–women’s rights, children’s rights, rights of the disabled, rights of the elderly, labor rights, and administrative litigation, which addresses government abuses (100)–making it easier to foster media attention. Its reputation in the public eye is strong, and as a result, its participation in a given case attracts public support for its cause. The Center, perhaps partially as a result, enjoys a very high success rate in court, winning seventy-two percent of the fifty-four cases it concluded in 2005. (101) Beyond the cases themselves, the Center conducts extensive public activities to raise awareness of rights issues, “inviting the whole society [to] participate[] in legal aid work together.” (102)

Another strength of the Wuhan Center lies in its relative independence from the government. The Center is organized as an NGO (103) and has managed to attract comparatively diverse private funding sources. (104) This independence allows it to take on administrative litigation cases against the government, cases that state-run legal aid centers cannot take and private attorneys often avoid. (105) In fact, the Wuhan Center embraces these cases; in the description of one visiting clinical instructor, the Center “explicitly associates itself with the movement to advance the rule of administrative law in China, recognizing the injustices faced by clients in conflict with administrative agencies and agreeing to represent them in cases that seek to hold accountable a traditionally unassailable government.” (106) The Center, like some clinics in the United States, (107) views itself as a laboratory for experimentation in this relatively new realm of the law. (108)

Despite these promising features, a cautionary note is in order: the Wuhan Center model may not be easily duplicated. First, the Center from its outset has enjoyed very strong governmental relations through the connections of its founder, Professor Wan Exiang, (109) who is now Vice President of the Supreme People’s Court. (110) Such good relations remain key in China today for the smooth running of any independent, NGO-style organization (which also to some extent tempers that independence). Second, the Wuhan Center’s crucial good relations with the state-run media are probably not unrelated to its good government relations. Finally, the Wuhan Center’s model is resource intensive, and while it has successfully attracted sufficient funding for its work, primarily from international sources, it has a head start on other clinics in tapping a limited supply. (111) Thus, it has yet to be seen whether others will be able to emulate the working model of the Wuhan Center.

The Wuhan Center model of media tactics and relative independence from government holds much promise for promoting access to justice. However, because of the limitations of China’s judiciary, other models that rely less heavily on litigation may be more effective at addressing systematic problems within the legal system. The model is further limited in that it imparts skills and modes of thinking about access to justice that are likely useful only to those students who pursue traditional legal careers.

B. The Legislation Approach

Improvement of China’s laws, particularly at the provincial and local levels where the details of national laws are specified and implemented and where laws most directly affect people’s lives, is an overt way to promote equal access to justice. At least one clinic, the Legislation Clinic at Northwest University of Political Science and Law (NWU), has taken this route. (112) Specifically, the clinic proposes legislation that affects socially disadvantaged groups. (113) The clinic works with government agencies and government-led civic organizations, such as the Xi’an City Elderly People’s Commission and the Women’s Federation of Shaanxi Province, to whom the provincial and local People’s congresses and governments have delegated certain responsibilities to formulate regulations and city ordinances. (114) Since its founding, the clinic has been involved in two pieces of local-level legislation, both pertaining to the rights of elderly people, and two pieces of provincial legislation, one on domestic violence and one on workers’ compensation for rural migrants. (115)

Several characteristics of the Legislation Clinic at NWU are worthy of attention. First, and most significantly, the Legislation Clinic engages students directly in work that by definition takes a broad approach to access to justice. In drafting legislation, students open up the legislative process to both their own and the public’s input as they consult with affected groups and bring particular public concerns to legislators’ attention. In addition to facilitating the representation of affected interests, the Legislation Clinic also becomes a public forum in which not only students, but also clinical professors and outside experts such as judges, practicing lawyers, and scholars, convene to bear on a legislative issue. (116)

Second, the Legislation Clinic forces students to think about societal problems from multiple perspectives. On the one hand, legislation projects require students to step out of the classroom and engage with society. In the legislation projects on domestic violence and protection of elderly people’s rights, students conducted numerous surveys and interviews with those who were affected by the proposed legislation. (117) On the other hand, legislation requires students to probe theoretical questions beyond the realm of the law. (118) For instance, during the NWU Legislation Clinic’s drafting of anti-domestic violence provisions, the very definition of “domestic violence” sparked theoretical discussions that cut across many disciplines. (119) Students participating in the project generated a total of about thirty theses stemming from their experiences, seven of which were published. (120) This combination of practice and theory is likely to leave deep impressions on students, laying the foundation for a potential long-term commitment to the access-to-justice issues with which they have struggled.

Finally, legislation projects are usually less costly and engage more students per project than litigation of individual cases, and therefore their social impact in terms of inspiring a commitment to access to justice in students is potentially much greater. (121) As of 2005, less than three years after the clinic’s establishment, about 500 students had participated in the Legislation Clinic at NWU, whereas an average clinic could engage at most a few dozen students per semester. (122) Given the lack of adequate funding sources in clinical legal education in China, a legislation clinic model provides a more cost-effective alternative to the standard litigation clinic.

The legislation clinic model does, however, have a drawback: it requires close cooperation with state institutions and, in fact, cannot succeed without such institutions’ entrustment of legislative tasks to the clinic. This reliance on government risks the clinics’ independence, not only in maintaining work flow, but also in advocating positions that might be in opposition to entrenched government views. This problem might be mitigated by cultivating relationships with multiple institutional partners and selecting partners that display a willingness to grant the clinic space for innovation.

C. The Comprehensive Approach

A third approach brings students to a rural area to engage in a wide range of legal activities–not just litigation and legislation but also civic education, process analysis, and survey-based research–in an attempt to engender a nuanced understanding of the legal challenges and potential solutions in one community. Peking University’s Qianxi Community Clinic takes just such a comprehensive approach. The Qianxi Clinic was established in December 2001 as a partnership between the Peking University Legal Aid Society and the Qianxi County government. (123) The clinic is a highly ambitious project, not just for its scale, (124) but more fundamentally, for its attempt to use Qianxi County as an experimental site to explore models of rule of law and self-governance at the grassroots of Chinese society. (125) On the one hand, the Qianxi Clinic’s comprehensive model bridges the urban-rural divide by assisting a rural community in building its legal system; on the other hand, the community serves as a microcosm through which students have a chance to grapple with all dimensions of a legal issue.

Each student’s participation at the Qianxi Clinic is multidimensional. Students begin with the provision of traditional pro bono legal services, such as litigation, legal consultations and training, mediation in civil disputes, publicizing laws and raising legal awareness, and mobilization of citizens for collective representation of their interests. (126) These experiences serve as the “basis” from which students are able to understand the legal system in practice. (127) But whereas most clinics stop at this stage of student development, the Qianxi Clinic goes beyond, challenging students to apply what they have learned in macro-oriented activities including drafting community legislation and suggesting grassroots legal reforms. (128) Participating students have written on a wide range of topics centering on “rule of law” institutions in rural communities, (129) including the value and technicalities of village elections, institutional design of self-governance for villagers, dispute resolution mechanisms in rural communities, and interest representation of farmers. (130)

The Qianxi Clinic approach has engaged students in a much wider range of activities than either the Wuhan Center or the Legislation Clinic, and through these activities it has aimed to drive students toward a mode of thinking at the level of institutions. (131) Not only do its methods address access to justice in rural areas at a broad level, they also instill in students a comprehensive skill set that may serve them well whether or not they enter the legal field. These characteristics, in the view of one legal educator, make these types of community clinics “more appropriate [than traditional clinical models] for the legal education environment of China, in that [they] can maximize the effective use of clinical education.” (132) Like the Wuhan Center and the Legislation Clinic, however, the Qianxi Clinic faces challenges. As a joint endeavor with the local government, similar to the Legislation Clinic, its independence may be limited. Also, the model may prove costly and reach fewer students because it requires participants to travel to a rural area–although this factor may be mitigated by pooling resources with the local government. (133) On the whole, it is an experiment with much potential for future growth and refinement.

V. CONCLUSION

Professor Leah Wortham, an experienced clinical educator who has assisted in establishing clinical programs abroad, offers advice for avoiding the pitfalls of ill fits and disguised imperialism when importing a clinical legal education model: “focus on ends to be achieved rather than institutions as an end in themselves”; (134) “do not seek to replicate a home country model”; (135) “consider economic, political, and social forces that cause things to be as they are”; (136) and realize that “clinical education should not be a value-free, technocratic endeavor.” (137) This Note attempts to follow these lines of inquiry, and the innovations of China’s clinical legal educators show that they too have borne them in mind. Clinical legal education has made great strides in the course of a single decade, growing from only one or two NGO-style clinics at leading universities to sixty-four programs integrated into the curriculum at law schools and departments throughout China. In the process, distinctive adaptations have emerged to address China’s access-to-justice issues at a level beyond the individual case.

But given its high costs, does clinical legal education, as implemented in China today, actually advance the cause of access to justice better than other alternatives? Despite inspiring innovations, an answer, as in the U.S. case, is difficult. The translation is ongoing, and the ultimate effects on clinical students’ career choices and support for public interest work will not be known for some time. Nor is it easy to measure the quality of skills conveyed or the effectiveness of services provided. Professor Wortham is rightfully wary of “over promising” what clinical legal education can deliver. (138) Nonetheless, even if clinical education does not turn out to be a good answer for China, trial and error is part of the process of learning and innovation. This Note represents a small step in that learning process, in the hopes that its analysis might help clinical legal education maximize its contribution to equal access to justice. Most likely, clinical legal education will be one small contributor among the many ongoing institutional innovations and reforms in China that, in the aggregate, may gradually change the legal system for the better.

(1) See Benjamin L. Liebman, Legal Aid and Public Interest Law in China, 34 TEX. INT’L L.J. 211, 219, 222-23 (1999).

(2) See COMM. OF CHINESE CLINICAL LEGAL EDUCATORS, CLINICAL LEGAL EDUCATION 20 (2003) [hereinafter CCCLE].

(3) See David M. Trubek & Marc Galanter, Scholars in Self-Estrangement: Some Reflections on the Crisis in Law and Development Studies in the United States, 1974 WIS. L. REV. 1062.

(4) Cf. Michael William Dowdle, Preserving Indigenous Paradigms in an Age of Globalization: Pragmatic Strategies for the Development of Clinical Legal Aid in China, 24 FORDHAM INT’L L.J. S56 (2000) (warning that focus on U.S. legal aid models might suppress development of potentially more useful indigenous legal aid practices). To articulate the transformative process that legal institutions undergo after importation, Professor Ma ximo Langer has proposed an alternative to the transplantation metaphor: rather than expecting that a borrowed legal idea or institution “can simply be ‘cut and pasted’ between legal systems,” it is more apt to describe the process as a “legal translation” in which a borrowed institution is altered–possibly dramatically–to achieve meaning within its new context. Ma ximo Langer, From Legal Transplants to Legal Translations: The Globalization of Plea Bargaining and the Americanization Thesis in Criminal Procedure, 45 HARV. INT’L L.J. 1, 5 (2004).

(5) E.g., JAMES A. GARDNER, LEGAL IMPERIALISM: AMERICAN LAWYERS AND FOREIGN AID IN LATIN AMERICA (1980).

(6) Brian Z. Tamanaha, The Lessons of Law-and-Development Studies, 89 AM. J. INT’L L. 470, 471 (1995).

(7) Id. at 484.

(8) See, e.g., Wang Juying, “Zhen suo shi fa lu jiao yu” ben tu hua de si kao [Considering Localization of “Clinic-Style Legal Education”], 23 HEBEI FA XUE [HEBEI LEGAL STUD.] 82 (2005).

(9) See BRYANT GARTH, NEIGHBORHOOD LAW FIRMS FOR THE POOR 17-20 (1980).

(10) For a detailed history of the LSC (initially called the Legal Services Program) and its connection to the “war on poverty,” see id. at 17-46.

(11) Stephen Wizner, The Law School Clinic: Legal Education in the Interests of Justice, 70 FORDHAM L. REV. 1929, 1933 (2002); see also Robert MacCrate, Educating a Changing Profession: From Clinic to Continuum, 64 TENN. L. REV. 1099, 1105-07, 1111-14 (1997) (discussing early legal realist efforts and the subsequent CLEPR initiative).

(12) See Wizner, supra note 11, at 1933.

(13) See Jon C. Dubin, Clinical Design for Social Justice Imperatives, 51 SMU L. REV. 1461, 1465 (1998) (attributing the growth of social justice-oriented clinical legal education in the 1960s and 1970s in part to the time’s nature as “an era of civil rights activism”).

(14) See GARTH, supra note 9, at 20-21 (discussing the success of test-case litigation in achieving social justice reform during the 1960s).

(15) Margaret Martin Barry et al., Clinical Education for This Millennium: The Third Wave, 7 CLINICAL L. REV. 1, 12 (2000).

(16) See id. at 21.

(17) Section of Legal Educ. & Admissions to the Bar, Am. Bar Ass’n, Standards for Approval of Law Schools, Standard 302(b) (2006).

(18) See Howard S. Erlanger et al., Law Student Idealism and Job Choice: Some New Data on an Old Question, 30 LAW & SOC’Y REV. 851, 851 (1996).

(19) See Sally Maresh, The Impact of Clinical Legal Education on the Decisions of Law Students To Practice Public Interest Law, in EDUCATING FOR JUSTICE: SOCIAL VALUES AND LEGAL EDUCATION 154, 163 (Jeremy Cooper & Louise G. Trubek eds., 1997).

(20) See Erlanger et al., supra note 18, at 861.

(21) Barry et al., supra note 15, at 32.

(22) See id. at 27.

(23) Cf. Jeanne Charn, Preventing Foreclosure: Thinking Locally, Investing in Enforcement, Playing for Outcomes (Mar. 2006) (unpublished manuscript, on file with the Harvard Law School Library) (criticizing U.S. legal aid lawyers’ focus on law reform as the sole vehicle for widespread impact and encouraging an approach that, among other things, thinks locally and invests in enforcement, although still primarily through litigation).

(24) See Jeanne Charn, Service and Learning: Reflections on Three Decades of The Lawyering Process at Harvard Law School, 10 CLINICAL L. REV. 75, 110-11 (2003).

(25) See id. at 113.

(26) See, e.g., Dubin, supra note 13.

(27) See Charn, supra note 24, at 113.

(28) On China’s growing inequality, and in particular the urban-rural divide, see U.N. DEV. PROGRAMME, CHINA HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2005, at 8-10, 21-37 (2005).

(29) Cf. Liebman, supra note 1, at 222-23 (identifying the Chinese government’s desires not only “to increase the importance of law and to balance social development and the needs of the poor with economic development,” but also “to boost the standing of China’s legal system in the eyes of the international community” as catalysts behind the country’s legal aid program).

(30) See id. at 222.

(31) See id.

(32) See Embassy of the P.R.C. in the U.S., China Strives To Provide More Legal Aid to Ordinary Chinese (Sept. 30, 2004), http://www.china-embassy.org/eng/gyzg/t163026.htm.

(33) Id.

(34) See C. David Lee, Legal Reform in China: A Role for Nongovernmental Organizations, 25 YALE J. INT’L L. 363, 383-84 (2000). The founder of the Wuhan Center, Professor Wan Exiang, is Yale-educated and modeled the Center on Western university-affiliated legal aid programs after visiting major universities in Europe and the United States. See id.; Wuhan da xue she hui ruo zhe quan li bao hu zhong xin [Wuhan Univ. Ctr. for the Protection of Rights of Disadvantaged Citizens], Zhong xin jian jie [Introduction to the Center], http://www.cprdc.org/web/ShowArticle.asp?ArticleID=621 (last visited May 11, 2007) [hereinafter Introduction to the Center].

(35) CCCLE, supra note 2, at 16.

(36) See Zhen Zhen, The Present Situation and Prosperous Future of China Clinical Legal Education (Oct. 7, 2005) (unpublished manuscript), available at http://www.law.ucla.edu/docs/zhen__zhen_-prosporous_future_of_chinese_clinical_educatio_.pdf.

(37) CCCLE, supra note 2, at 16.

(38) See Zhongguo zhen suo fa lu jiao yu [China Clinical Legal Educ.], Re lie huan ying Huanan li gong da xue fa xue yuan jia ru Zhongguo zhen suo fa lu jiao yu zhuan ye wei yuan hui [Warmly Welcome Huanan Ligong University Law School in Entering CCCLE] (Feb. 27, 2007), http://www.cliniclaw.cn/article_view.asp?id=346.

(39) CCCLE, supra note 2, at 17; Zhen, supra note 36. As of October 2005, CCCLE had partnered with the Ford Foundation to send a total of thirty-six Chinese clinical instructors to observe clinics at U.S. universities. See Zhen Zhen, supra note 36.

(40) See, e.g., CCCLE, supra note 2, at 19-20.

(41) See XIAN FA pmbl., art. 5 (1982) (P.R.C.).

(42) See ALBERT HUNG-YEE CHEN, AN INTRODUCTION TO THE LEGAL SYSTEM OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA 36-37 (2004).

(43) See id. at 91.

(44) See William P. Alford & Benjamin L. Liebman, Clean Air, Clear Processes? The Struggle over Air Pollution Law in the People’s Republic of China, 52 HASTINGS L.J. 703, 739-40 (2001).

(45) See XIAN FA art. 57; Alford & Liebman, supra note 44, at 706.

(46) See Alford & Liebman, supra note 44, at 708, 739-40.

(47) See id. at 706 (concerning the National People’s Congress); id. at 708 (concerning provincial and local people’s congresses).

(48) See CHEN, supra note 42, at 98-104, 107-09.

(49) Id. at 62, 100.

(50) See RANDALL PEERENBOOM, CHINA’S LONG MARCH TOWARD RULE OF LAW 251 (2002).

(51) See Alford & Liebman, supra note 44, at 708.

(52) See CHEN, supra note 42, at 114-15; ZOU KEYUAN, CHINA’S LEGAL REFORM 94-96 (2006). The Law on Legislation, passed in 2000, attempts to resolve these conflicts, see CHEN, supra note 42, at 112-13, but it has not yet done so in practice, see id. at 114.

(53) See, e.g., CHEN, supra note 42, at 103-04 (mentioning use of consultative processes in the recent drafting of, inter alia, the 2001 amendments to the Marriage Law); Alford & Liebman, supra note 44, at 745-46 (describing broader involvement in the drafting process for an environmental law passed in 2000 as compared to its counterpart passed in 1995).

(54) PEERENBOOM, supra note 50, at 243.

(55) See CHEN, supra note 42, at 118.

(56) See PEERENBOOM, supra note 50, at 247-55.

(57) See William P. Alford, Of Lawyers Lost and Found: Searching for Legal Professionalism in the People’s Republic of China, in EAST ASIAN LAW: UNIVERSAL NORMS AND LOCAL CULTURES 182, 185 (Arthur Rosett et al. eds., 2003).

(58) See CHEN, supra note 42, at 153-54; Stanley B. Lubman, Dispute Resolution in China after Deng Xiaoping: “Mao and Mediation” Revisited, 11 COLUM. J. ASIAN L. 229, 323-27 (1997).

(59) CHEN, supra note 42, at 153; see also Lubman, supra note 58, at 324-25.

(60) See CHEN, supra note 42, at 143; Lubman, supra note 58, at 322-23.

(61) See Dowdle, supra note 4, at S62.

(62) See Benjamin L. Liebman, Watchdog or Demagogue? The Media in the Chinese Legal System, 105 COLUM. L. REV. 1, 67 (2005).

(63) See PEERENBOOM, supra note 50, at 260.

(64) See Lubman, supra note 58, at 311-12.

(65) See CHEN, supra note 42, at 135-36.

(66) See ZOU, supra note 52, at 150.

(67) See Liebman, supra note 62, at 68-69.

(68) See Thomas E. Kellogg, “Courageous Explorers”?: Education Litigation and Judicial Innovation in China, 20 HARV. HUM. RTS. J. (forthcoming Spring 2007).

(69) See China’s Higher Court Issues First Legal Precedents, PEOPLE’S DAILY, Aug. 2, 2003, http://english.people.com.cn/200308/02/eng20030802_121522.shtml.

(70) See id.

(71) See Wang, supra note 8, at 83.

(72) See Gao Yifei, Ying dang da fu du ti gao si fa kao shi de tong guo lu [Bar Examination Rates Should Be Greatly Increased], DONG FANG FA YAN [E. LEGAL EYE], Dec. 5, 2005, http://www.dffy.com/sifakaoshi/xx/200512/20051205072719.htm (stating that China’s bar exam passage rate was 6.68% in 2002, 8.75% in 2003, 11.22% in 2004, and 14.39% in 2005).

(73) Qinghua da xue [Tsinghua Univ.], Fa xue yuan 2003 jie bi ye sheng qu xiang [Law School 2003 Graduate Destinations] (2003) (on file with the Harvard Law School Library). A more recent study shows only 13% of 2006 law graduates from China University of Political Science and Law and 3% of their counterparts from Beijing Transportation University finding jobs in the legal field. Chen Hongwei, Re zhao sheng leng jiu ye [Hot Student Enrollment, Cold Employment], ZHONGGUO JIAO YU XIN WEN WANG [CHINA EDUC. NEWS WEB], Feb. 5, 2007, http://www.jyb.com.cn/jy/jyzd/zyhq/t20070205_64372.htm.

(74) Alford, supra note 57, at 184.

(75) See Liebman, supra note 1, at 220-21.

(76) Cf. Wen Zhang, Legal Aid in China 20-21 (May 7, 2005) (unpublished manuscript, on file with the Harvard Law School Library) (describing mandatory pro bono as reflecting the state view that lawyers “should be taxed through the provision of free legal services” and discussing firms’ tendency to “eschew” their pro bono duties).

(77) One example of such an NGO-style center is the Wuhan Center, which is discussed in detail in section IV.A, infra pp. 2149-2151.

(78) CIA, China: People, in THE WORLD FACTBOOK (2007), https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/ch.html#People (estimating Chinese population as of July 2007 at 1,321,851,888 people).

(79) See AM. BAR ASSOC., NATIONAL LAWYER POPULATION BY STATE (2006), available at http://www.abanet.org/marketresearch/2006_national%20_lawyer_population_survey.pdf (listing the total number of active lawyers in 2006 in the United States at 1,116,967).

(80) CIA, United States: People, in THE WORLD FACTBOOK (2007), https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/us.html#People (estimating U.S. population as of July 2007 at 301,139,947 people).

(81) See William P. Alford, “Second Lawyers,” First Principles: Lawyers, Rice-Roots Legal Workers, and the Battle over Legal Professionalism in China 21 (Jan. 15, 2005) (unpublished manuscript, on file with author). Professor Alford advocates the continued and perhaps expanded use of “rice-roots legal workers,” who lack the credentials and training of lawyers but are authorized by the state to provide basic services primarily to rural populations, to facilitate access to justice in the countryside. Id.

(82) See Zhongguo: 206 xian wu lu shi–lu shi yu ji ceng jian xing jian yuan de kun huo [China: 206 Counties Have No Lawyers–The Dilemma of the Legal Profession Moving Further Away from the Grassroots], FA ZHI RI BAO [LEGAL DAILY], December 24, 2006, available at http://law.hust.edu.cn/Article_Show.asp?ArticleID=1384.

(83) See Stephen Breyer, The Legal Profession and Public Service, 57 N.Y.U. ANN. SURV. AM. L. 403, 404, 416-17 (2000) (stating that “[t]he lawyer’s public service tradition has a proud American history” and arguing that lawyers in the United States have historically played four different public service roles: unpaid attorney, law reformer, statesman, and teacher).

(84) See Erlanger et al., supra note 18, at 860-61.

(85) See YANG YONGCHANG, ZHONGGUO FA LU YUAN ZHU FA ZHAN WEN TI YAN JIU [RESEARCH ON PROBLEMS IN CHINA’S LEGAL AID DEVELOPMENT] 405 (2004).

(86) See, e.g., id. at 407; Yang Xinxin et al., Cong Meiguo fa xue yuan gong yi xing fa lu fu wu shi jian kan Zhongguo gao xiao fa lu yuan zhu zhi du de fa zhan [Looking at the Development of China’s Higher Education Legal Aid Organizations from the Perspective of U.S. Law Schools’ Public Interest Legal Service Practice], in BEI DA FA LU YUAN ZHU SHI ZHOU NIAN TE KAN [BEIJING UNIVERSITY LEGAL AID TENTH ANNIVERSARY SPECIAL ISSUE] 39 (2004).

(87) Pamela N. Phan, Note from the Field, Clinical Legal Education in China: In Pursuit of a Culture of Law and a Mission of Social Justice, 8 YALE HUM. RTS. & DEV. L.J. 117, 141 (2005).

(88) Top law firms in the United States have been major donors to U.S. clinical programs. See, e.g., Hale & Dorr Legal Servs. Ctr., History, http://www.law.harvard.edu/academics/clinical/lsc/about/history.htm (last visited May 11, 2007) (noting the law firm Hale & Dorr’s two-million-dollar contribution to the Center).

(89) Yang et al., supra note 86, at 39.

(90) Phan, supra note 87, at 141.

(91) See YANG, supra note 85, at 408 (calling for clinics to be limited to students whose “grades are excellent” and who possess “high quality of thought”).

(92) See Dowdle, supra note 4, at S59-S60.

(93) See, e.g., YANG, supra note 85, at 407; Yang et al., supra note 86, at 38-39.

(94) See, e.g., COMM. OF CHINESE CLINICAL LEGAL EDUCATORS, BRIEF INTRODUCTION: LEGAL CLINIC EDUCATION IN CHINESE UNIVERSITIES 31-32 (2004) [hereinafter BRIEF INTRODUCTION].

(95) Although China’s press remains state-controlled, in recent years “media commercialization and increased media editorial discretion have combined with rising attention to social and legal problems” to increase the media’s ability to expose such problems. Liebman, supra note 62, at 6.

(96) See id. at 69. Of course, media coverage and the resultant public pressure may not always fall on the side of rule-of-law norms. Professor Benjamin Liebman recounts several instances in which public sentiment led to harsher prosecutorial decisions and court sentences–including speedy death sentences–with very few procedural protections for defendants. See id. at 69-80.

(97) Cf. id. at 59 (noting that the media “increasingly seek to appeal to the public in ways that pressure the Party-state to respond to popular views” and that “[s]uch views may be of particular importance in a system in which there are few other mechanisms for channeling popular interests and opinions”). This use of the courts in conjunction with a media campaign makes for an interesting contrast with the U.S. scenario, in which minorities have historically turned to courts precisely because courts are somewhat insulated from public opinion.

(98) See Lee, supra note 34, at 386; Liebman, supra note 1, at 234 & n.208.

(99) See Lee, supra note 34, at 384.

(100) See Introduction to the Center, supra note 34.

(101) Wuhan Univ. Ctr. for the Protection of Rights of Disadvantaged Citizens, Summary in 2005 of CPRDC (Mar. 18, 2006), http://www.cprdc.org/web/ShowTeacher.asp?ArticleID=604.

(102) Id.

(103) See Introduction to the Center, supra note 34. Technically, the Wuhan Center is organized as a “people-organized non-enterprise unit” (“minban fei qiye danwei”). Id.

(104) See Lee, supra note 34, at 386.

(105) See id. at 385-86.

(106) Phan, supra note 87, at 137-38 (footnote omitted).

(107) See Charn, supra note 24, at 113-14.

(108) The Administrative Procedure Law, which for the first time allowed citizens to bring suits against government agencies for infringement of their rights, was adopted in 1989. See Xingzheng susong fa [Administrative Procedure Law] (promulgated by the Standing Comm. Nat’l People’s Cong., Apr. 4, 1989, effective Oct. 1, 1990) CHINALAWINFO (last visited May 11, 2007) (P.R.C.).

(109) See Lee, supra note 34, at 386.

(110) See China Vitae, Biography of Wan Exiang, http://www.chinavitae.com/biography/Wang_Exiang/bio (last visited May 11, 2007).

(111) See Dowdle, supra note 4, at S58-S59.

(112) See Xibei zheng fa xue yuan fa lu zhen suo xin wen zhong xin [Nw. Univ. of Political Sci. & Law Legal Clinic News Ctr.], Li fa zhen suo xiang mu yuan zhu jiao xue fa gai ge [Pedagogical Reform of the Legislation Clinical Aid Program] (Apr. 17, 2005), http://www.nwcliniclaw.cn/news/news/31/200541795712.htm [hereinafter NWU Legal Clinic News Ctr.].

(113) See BRIEF INTRODUCTION, supra note 94, at 18.

(114) See Yang Zongke, Li fa zhen suo xiang mu jiao xue fa de tan suo [Exploration of the Pedagogy of the Legislation Clinical Program], XINAN FA LU ZHEN SUO [SW. LEGAL CLINIC], June 4, 2004, available at http://210.28.216.121/show.aspx?id=113&cid=77.

(115) See NWU Legal Clinic News Ctr., supra note 112.

(116) See id.

(117) See, e.g., Xibei zheng fa xue yuan fa lu zhen suo xin wen zhong xin [Nw. Univ. of Political Sci. & Law Legal Clinic News Ctr.], Xibei zheng fa xue yuan li fa zhen suo ke cheng shi lu [Transcript of a Class at the NWU Legislation Clinic] (Apr. 12, 2004), http://www.nwcliniclaw.cn/nwcliniclaw/shownews.asp?newsid=579.

(118) See Yang, supra note 114.

(119) Id.

(120) See NWU Legal Clinic News Ctr., supra note 112.

(121) See id.

(122) Id.

(123) See Shen Junyao & Li Jun, Zai bing leng li xing yu peng pai ji qing zhong qian xing [Moving Forward Amidst Cold Rationality and Wave-Like Enthusiasm], http://www.lawpku.org/lawer_web/text/34/actv3405.htm (last visited May 11, 2007).

(124) Qianxi County covers an area of 1439 square kilometers, consisting of seventeen townships and numerous villages, and has a population of over 360,000. See Xing zheng qu hua wang [Administrative Region Web], Qianxi Xian [Qianxi County], http://www.xzqh.org/quhua/13hb/0227qx.htm (last visited May 11, 2007).

(125) See Zhongguo zhen suo fa lu jiao yu [China Clinical Legal Educ.], Hui gui hai shi chao yue [To Turn Back or To Overcome] (December 6, 2003), http://www.cliniclaw.cn (follow “gengduo” hyperlink under “fa lu yan jiu” in the right-hand column; then select article title) [hereinafter China Clinical Legal Educ.].

(126) See Shen & Li, supra note 123.

(127) “Qianxi mo shi” she qu fa lu fu wu jian she zuo tan hui hui yi zhai yao [Abstract of Conference on the “Qianxi Model” of Community Legal Services], BEIDA FA LU YUAN ZHU QI KAN [BEIJING U. LEGAL AID PERIODICAL], June 6, 2003, http://laa.lawpku.org/index.asp (follow link in box at bottom) [hereinafter “Qianxi Model”].

(128) ZHEN SUO FA LU JIAO YU YAN JIU [CLINICAL LEGAL EDUCATION RESEARCH] 293 (Wang Limin & Mou Xiaoyuan eds., 2004); see also “Qianxi Model,” supra note 127.

(129) See China Clinical Legal Educ., supra note 125.

(130) Id.

(131) Id.

(132) See Chen Binsheng, Ye tan Zhongguo gao xiao “zhen suo” fa lu jiao yu [Also Discussing China’s Higher Education “Clinical” Legal Education], 45 HEILONGJIANG SHENG ZHENG FU GUAN LI GAN BU XUE YUAN XUE BAO [HEILONGJIANG PROVINCE GOV’T ADMIN. CADRE INST. ACAD. J.] 130, 131 (2004).

(133) See China Clinical Legal Educ., supra note 125.

(134) Leah Wortham, Aiding Clinical Education Abroad: What Can Be Gained and the Learning Curve on How To Do So Effectively, 12 CLINICAL L. REV. 615, 673 (2006) (capitalization altered).

(135) Id. at 674 (capitalization altered).

(136) Id. at 676 (capitalization altered).

(137) Id. (capitalization altered).

(138) Id. at 682.
Source Citation:“Adopting and adapting: clinical legal education and access to justice in China.” Harvard Law Review 120.8 (June 2007): 2134(22). LegalTrac. Gale. Valparaiso University – Law Library. 7 May 2008
<http://find.galegroup.com/itx/start.do?prodId=LT>.

Categories: CLED

Proposal “Pendidikan Hukum Klinis”

May 20, 2008 1 comment

(Usulan pengembangan kurikulum fakultas hukum UKSW)

Theofransus Litaay, SH, LLM.

Fakultas Hukum Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana Jl. Diponegoro 52-60, Salatiga 50711.

Salatiga, 5 februari 2007.

Dasar Pemikiran

Pendidikan hukum sebagai bagian dari pendidikan tinggi, dituntut untuk menghasilkan lulusan yang memiliki pengetahuan hukum tingkat tinggi, kemampuan analisis yang tinggi, dan penguasaan ketrampilan hukum yang tinggi. Namun kenyataan menunjukkan situasi terbalik. Sarjana Hukum yang baru lulus memiliki pengetahuan tetapi ketrampilan hukumnya rendah. Akibatnya menimbulkan biaya yang tinggi bagi pemberi kerja.

Masalah lainnya yang dihadapi setiap Sarjana Hukum baru adalah masih kuatnya praktek mafia peradilan, yang menghambat Sarjana Hukum untuk setia pada komitmennya mencapai keadilan sosial.

Artinya fakultas hukum UKSW menghadapi dua (2) tantangan dalam melaksanakan kegiatan pendidikan, yaitu untuk menyediakan: pertama, pendidikan hukum yang melatih pengetahuan hukum disertai kemampuan analisa dan ketrampilan hukum yang tinggi; kedua, pendidikan hukum yang lengkap dengan penanaman nilai supremasi hukum dan perlindungan hak asasi manusia sebagai syarat untuk mewujudkan masyarakat Indonesia yang demokratis dan berkeadilan sosial.

Jawaban terhadap dua tantangan di atas, dapat dilakukan dengan mengembangkan metode pendidikan hukum yang meningkatkan penguasaan ilmu hukum secara komprehensif (termasuk penguasaan ketrampilan hukum) dan juga menguasai nilai-nilai demokrasi dan keadilan sosial.

Kenyataan lain yang menjadi masalah adalah pada ujian advokat PERADI terakhir, hasil yang dicapai oleh lulusan PKPA fakultas hukum UKSW tidak memuaskan karena dari hanya satu (1) orang dari 20 peserta yang berhasil, dengan kata lain tingkat keberhasilan adalah 5%. Hasil tersebut bisa dilihat sebagai kelemahan dari metode yang digunakan dalam PKPA. Namun juga merupakan bukti lemahnya penguasaan ilmu hukum pada Input PKPA yang notabene adalah lulusan Sarjana Hukum fakultas hukum UKSW. Selain dari hasil PKPA di atas, fakultas hukum UKSW selama ini memang belum memonitor secara kontinyu tingkat kelulusan ujian pengacara, ujian calon hakim, dan ujian calon jaksa yang diikuti oleh para alumni fakultas hukum UKSW. Sehingga dalam ujian PERADI di atas belum termasuk lulusan fakultas hukum UKSW yang mengikuti PKPA di luar UKSW dan lulus dalam ujian di luar wilayah PT Jawa Tengah.

Teori learning pyramid

Menurut teori learning pyramid yang dibangun oleh National Training Laboratories/NTL di Maine (AS) berdasarkan hasil penelitian Edgar Dale dll, metode ceramah kuliah adalah metode yang tingkat penyerapannya oleh mahasiswa hanya sebesar 5%. Ini adalah metode terendah dalam hal penyerapan hasilnya oleh mahasiswa. Untuk metode bacaan, tingkat penyerapannya 10%. Jika kuliah menggunakan metode audio-visual tingkat penyerapannya 20%. Kemudian jika digunakan metode demonstrasi tingkat penyerapannya 30%. Ini merupakan suatu tanda bahaya karena sebagian besar proses pendidikan hukum justru menggunakan metode ceramah kuliah, sebagaimana dikemukakan oleh profesor David McQuoid-Mason.

Empat metode pembelajaran tersebut digolongkan sebagai metode Tradisional. Rendahnya tingkat pencapaian metode ini, menurut NTL dapat diatasi jika digunakan pendekatan lainnya yaitu pendekatan Teaming atau interaktif atau berpusat pada mahasiswa.

Pendekatan interaktif, secara garis besar terbagi atas tiga (3) metode yaitu Kelompok Diskusi yang tingkat pencapaiannya 50%, Practice by Doing tingkat pencapaiannya 75% dan yang paling efektif adalah Mengajarkan kepada orang lain atau penggunaan secara langsung yang mana tingkat pencapaiannya 90%.

Dalam pandangan McQuoid-Mason (mengutip Brayne, Duncan dan Grimes), metode pendidikan yang berpusat pada mahasiswa idealnya dilakukan dengan memberikan pengalaman belajar kepada mahasiswa dimana mahasiswa memperoleh ketrampilan praktis dan sekaligus menyediakan lingkungan keadilan sosial. Jika kesempatan itu tidak tersedia maka perlu diadakan termasuk lingkungan semacam itu perlu diciptakan. Oleh karena itu mahasiswa perlu dilibatkan dalam menghadapi situasi dunia nyata dan memainkan peran sebagai pengacara untuk menyelesaikan persoalan. Kegiatan semacam ini bisa dilakukan lewat interaksi dengan klien untuk mengidentifikasi dan menyelesaikan masalah hukum, serta terbuka untuk ditinjau secara kritis oleh dosen maupun rekan mahasiswa lainnya.

Pendidikan hukum klinis

Pendidikan hukum semacam ini dikenal sebagai pendidikan hukum klinis yang memungkinkan mahasiswa berperan aktif dalam proses pembelajaran dan mengamati bekerjanya hukum dalam situasi kehidupan nyata. Pendidikan semacam ini menyediakan landasan yang kuat bagi masa depan sebagai ahli hukum dalam dunia praktek. Karena pendidikan hukum klinis tidak saja mengajarkan teori-teori hukum, tetapi juga melengkapi mahasiswa dengan ketrampilan yang dibutuhkan bagi praktek hukum. Selain itu juga melengkapi mahasiswa dengan nilai-nilai yang dibutuhkan praktisi hukum dalam masalah-masalah keadilan sosial di masyarakat dan tanggung jawab profesi dalam melaksanakan tugasnya.

Misi pendidikan tinggi hukum yang diidealkan dalam proposal ini adalah pendidikan yang mengajarkan kepada mahasiswa ketrampilan hukum dalam tatanan keadilan sosial. Keadilan sosial di sini merujuk kepada distribusi sumber daya secara adil dalam masyarakat. Karena itu perhatian dari keadilan sosial adalah menjawab kebutuhan rakyat, terutama yang membutuhkan dan tidak mampu mencapainya. Oleh karena itu, pendidikan hukum di kelas harus dikaitkan dengan kegiatan klinik hukum (yang selama ini dijalankan Unit Pelayanan dan Bantuan Hukum/UPBH) dan laboratorium hukum.

Oleh karena itu kegiatan pendidikan hukum di kelas dan kegiatan UPBH yang melibatkan mahasiswa menjadi dua hal yang saling berkaitan dan tidak terpisah satu terhadap lainnya. Ini adalah juga misi yang diemban oleh UPBH sebagaimana tertulis dalam Memorandum of Understanding tentang pendirian UPBH tahun 1984 yang ditanda-tangani oleh Ketua Pengadilan Tinggi Jawa Tengah dan Rektor UKSW. Pelayanan bantuan hukum merupakan metode pendidikan bagi mahasiswa sekaligus pelayanan kepada masyarakat.

Dengan deskripsi seperti di atas, maka menjadi jelas bahwa pendidikan hukum klinis memiliki dua komponen yaitu komponen akademik dan komponen pelayanan.

Komponen akademik

Dalam komponen akademik program-program yang dilaksanakan terintegrasi dalam kurikulum dimana keterlibatan mahasiswa dalam klinik hukum diperhitungkan dalam jumlah kredit tertentu dan dinilai sebagaimana matakuliah lainnya. Hal ini dilakukan dengan mewajibkan mahasiswa untuk mengikuti seminar, pelatihan, dan jenis lainnya yang dilaksanakan oleh klinik hukum. Penekanannya adalah pada pelatihan ketrampilan dan mahasiswa dievaluasi berdasarkan aturan yang berlaku di fakultas hukum. Program-program lainnya yang tidak masuk dalam kurikulum dapat diikuti oleh mahasiswa secara sukarela dan tidak diperhitungkan dalam kredit tetapi dapat dipertimbangkan dalam penilaian terhadap keaktifan mahasiswa di klinik hukum.

Komponen pelayanan

Dalam komponen pelayanan, program yang diadakan menuntut mahasiswa untuk memberikan penyuluhan hukum kepada masyarakat baik di penjara, sekolah, organisasi masyarakat, desa, maupun kelompok masyarakat apapun yang merupakan target audiens tentang hukum, hak asasi manusia dan demokrasi. Untuk itu mahasiswa harus dilengkapi dengan metode-metode pengajaran yang interaktif. Sekali lagi, merujuk pada hasil studi NTL di atas, kegiatan pengajaran atau penyuluhan yang dilakukan oleh mahasiswa adalah sebagai metode pembelajaran bagi mahasiswa yang bersangkutan.

Selain itu, mahasiswa juga diminta terlibat dalam program konsultasi hukum dengan memberikan nasehat hukum (secara terbatas) kepada klien klinik hukum. Mahasiswa harus mampu menjelaskan aturan hukum yang rumit menjadi sederhana berkaitan dengan hak-hak sebagai warga negara yang harus dinimati dalam kehidupan sehari-hari sang klien dan bagaimana memperolehnya. Metode ini dikenal juga sebagai Street Law. Nasehat yang lebih rumit harus dirujuk kepada pengacara.

Metode interaktif

Dalam kegiatan-kegiatan klinik hukum, mahasiswa perlu dikenalkan dengan penggunaan berbagai metode interaktif seperti role play, simulasi, moot court, mock trial, studi kasus, diskusi kelompok kecil, debat, dan pengambilan sikap.

Untuk melatih ketrampilan sebagai pengacara, mahasiswa yang terlibat di klinik hukum perlu dilengkapi dengan ketrampilan sebagai berikut: Mewawancarai klien, Mengkonsultasi klien, Advokasi, Negosiasi, Berpikir kritis, Problem-solving, Drafting dokumen hukum, dan ketrampilan berkomunikasi secara lisan dan tulisan.

Kegiatan penyediaan jasa hukum kepada Klien dapat dilakukan dengan beberapa cara seperti: Pelayanan klien di kampus atau di luar kampus atau secara keliling, Pelayanan hukum yang terkait kepentingan umum, Pelayanan kepada komunitas, Pelayanan street law, Pelayanan ADR, Pelayanan drafting legislasi atau kebijakan, Pelayanan penyuluhan hukum. Jenis jasa pelayanan yang disediakan akan disesuaikan dengan sumber daya yang dimiliki oleh fakultas hukum UKSW.

Focus pada pendidikan

Sekali lagi perlu ditekankan, bahwa karakteristik yang ditawarkan di atas adalah klinik ini berbeda dengan klinik yang disediakan oleh lembaga bantuan hukum karena berfokus pada pendidikan. Kegiatan pelayanan dimaksudkan untuk menjadi alat pendidikan bagi para mahasiswa yang terlibat di dalamnya selain merupakan pelayanan kepada masyarakat.

Kebutuhan lainnya bagi pengembangan pendidikan hukum klinis berkaitan dengan akreditasi dan persaingan. Orientasi kurikulum seperti ini sudah dimulai di Indonesia, khususnya di beberapa fakultas hukum yang terakreditasi “A” seperti Universitas Indonesia Jakarta, UII Jogja, Universitas Pasundan Bandung. Kampus lainnya menyusul adalah Universitas Sumatera Utara, Universitas Tanjung Pura Lampung, dan Universitas Mataram. Program mereka dilaksanakan dengan melibatkan lembaga bantuan hukum di dalam fakultas hukum itu sendiri.

Program pendidikan hukum klinis juga akan membawa manfaat dalam pengembangan kerjasama dengan lembaga-lembaga hukum di Indonesia. Selain itu juga kerjasama internasional dengan berbagai organisasi yang memiliki kepedulian terhadap reformasi pendidikan hukum, terutama lembaga-lembaga yang telah menyampaikan komitmennya bagi pendidikan di Asia Tenggara dan Indonesia.

Kesimpulan:

a. Misi pendidikan hukum klinis adalah melengkapi mahasiswa dengan pengetahuan, pengalaman dan ketrampilan praktis dalam tatanan keadilan sosial.

b. Pendidikan hukum klinis melibatkan baik komponen akademis maupun pelayanan.

c. Program pendidikan hukum klinis berbentuk penyediaan nasehat hukum dan klinik bantuan hukum atau klinik kesadaran hukum.

d. Inti program pendidikan hukum klinis adalah metode pengajaran interaktif digunakan untuk mengembangkan ketrampilan praktis bagi mahasiswa.

e. Program pendidikan hukum klinis mengajarkan kepada mahasiswa tentang tanggung-jawab professional dan mengenalkan mereka kepada realitas social system peradilan yang ada di luar lingkungan ruang kelas.

f. Program pendidikan hukum klinis mengkombinasikan pendidikan hukum dengan kewajiban pelayanan.

g. Program pendidikan hukum klinis akan meningkatkan posisi fakultas hukum UKSW dalam akreditasi, persaingan, dan promosi.

Presentasi oleh Theofransus Litaay, SH. LLM

Categories: Dari Redaksi